The totalitarian shift that has brought Mussolini back to the mainstream

The long speak: Italys CasaPound has been central to normalising autocracy again in the member states of its delivery. Now theyre trying to enter parliament

On the night of 27 December 2003, five men ended into a huge, empty place complex in Rome, just south of the city’s main railway station, Roma Termini. A few epoches earlier, “the mens” had been put forward bogus fliers, plea to the public for help to find a lost black cat announced ” Pound “. It was a style to avoid distrust as they canvassed the building before breaking in.

Nothing was left to occasion: the appointment, between Christmas and New Year, was chosen because there wouldn’t be numerous people around. Even the mention and colouring of the cat wasn’t casual: “Pound” was a nod to the American poet and fascist evangelist Ezra Pound. And black was the colour associated with their hero, Benito Mussolini. They planned to start a radio station from inside their brand-new construct called Radio Bandiera Nera-” Black Flag Radio “.

The man paying tells that night was Gianluca Iannone. Then 30, he was towering, burly and gruff. With his scraped psyche and dense beard, he looked a little bit like a Hells Angel. He had ” me ne frego” (” I don’t care”- the slogan used by Mussolini’s troops) tattooed diagonally across the left side of his neck. Iannone was famous in fascist haloes as the lead singer in a boulder party announced ZZA, and as the owner of a pub in Rome, the Cutty Sark, which was a meeting point for Rome’s extreme right.

The five men were nervous and evoked as they took turns working on the wooden figurehead doorway with crowbars. The others accumulated close by, to watch and to afford encompas. Formerly the door opened, they piled inside, pushing it slammed behind them. What they found was breathtaking. There was a large entrance hall on the first floor, a magnificent staircase, even a raising. There were 23 part suites in the seven-storey brick. The previous occupier, a government quango, had moved out the year before, so the place was suspend and mute. But it was huge, considering thousands of sq. metres. The cherry on the cake was the terrace: a large, walled ceiling from which you could see all of the members of Rome. The guys to gather up there and hugged, feeling that they had planted a pennant in the centre of the Italian uppercase- in a gritty neighbourhood, Esquilino, which was home to many African and Asian immigrants. Iannone dubbed their structure” the Italian embassy “.

That building grew the headquarters of a new push announced CasaPound. Over the next 15 years, it would open another 106 cores across Italy. Iannone, who had been in the Italian horde for three years, described each new centre as a” territory reconquest “. Because every centre was self-financing, and because they claimed to “serve the people”, those new centres in turn opened gyms, pub, bookshops, parachute golf-clubs, diving squads, motorbike fraternities, football teams, eateries, nightclubs, tattoo parlours and barbershops. CasaPound unexpectedly seemed everywhere. But it presented itself as something beyond politics: this was ” metapolitics”, echoing the influential tyrant philosopher Giovanni Gentile, who wrote in 1925 that fascism was ” before everything else a total idea of life “.

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CasaPound’s headquarters in a former government office built in Rome. Picture: NurPhoto/ Getty

Until then, totalitarian resurgences had usually been received, by the Italian mainstream, as wistful, uncultured and thuggish. CasaPound was different. It presented itself as forward-looking, cultured, even all-inclusive. Iannone had been drew attention to dictatorship in his youth because of a” obsession with the symbols”, and now he creatively mixed and matched code words, slogans and symbols from Mussolini’s ventennio “( as his 20 -year rule is known ), and turned them into 21 st-century song lyricals, insigniums and political posts. In a country in which mode and pose are paramount, CasaPound was autocracy for hipsters. There were reports of violence, but that- for the young people who felt aimless, sidelined, even emasculated- only added to the attraction. Numerous flocked to pay their EUR1 5 to become members.

By the early 2000 s, it was no longer inhibition for mainstream legislators to speak warmly of Mussolini: adherents of Il Duce had now become government ministers, and many fringe, totalitarian parties were to increase forte- Forza Nuova, Fronte Sociale Nazionale, and numerous skinhead groups. But where the other tyrants seemed like throwbacks to the 1930 s, CasaPound focused on contemporary causes and staged imaginative campaigns: in 2006 they hung 400 dummies all over Rome, with signs demonstrating about the city’s house crisis. In 2012, CasaPound militants filled the European Union’s office in Rome and dumped sacks of coal outside to protest on behalf of the members of Italian miners. Many of its own policy appeared surprising: they were against immigration, of course, but on the supposedly “progressive” floors that the exploitation “of migrants ” labourers represented a return to slavery.

Most Italians have been watching CasaPound with a mix of infatuation and horrify for 15 times, trying to work out fairly what it is. The flow claims it is a democratic and believable variant of dictatorship, but it is accused of encouraging violence and intolerance. CasaPound militants have repeatedly told me that they’re a unifying troop for Italy, but numerous Italians worry that they are merely recreating historic splits in a society with a profound identity crisis.

That” CasaPound question” are currently being constituted with urgency, because it is aspiring to enter parliament next month. On 4 March, Italians will go to the canvas in a general election in which centre-right and far-right partiesare expected to triumph. CasaPound’s own electoral opportunities are slim: although in the past they have received nearly 10% of the vote in certain constituencies, they will need at least 3% of all referendums nationwide to gain any parliamentary sets, which seems nearly inconceivable. Still, the proliferation and emergence of rival far-right defendants is not a sign of the movement’s obsolescence, but of its success. For 15 times, CasaPound has been like the yeast in the far-right dough- the ingredient that establishes everything around it rise.


CasaPound germinated in the late 1990 s as a sort of Mussolini-admiring drinking organization. Every Monday night, a dozen boys would assemble in the Cutty Sark and” propose what next ,” as one withdrew. It was there that Iannone converged “the mens” who would become his agent, Simone Di Stefano. Di Stefano was two years younger and quieter, but a lifelong rightwing activist.” We were situationists trying to aftermath parties up”, Di Stefano says, looking back,” bohemian creators based on simulations like Obey Giant[ Shepard Fairey] and Banksy “.

In 1997, Iannone, Di Stefano and their teammates had put up 10,000 stickers all over Rome: above eyeless faces, with barcoded foreheads and demented smiles, were just three unexplained words: Zeta Zero Alfa. It was the name of a punk rock clique Iannone had decided to launch, its reputation hinting at both the American rock lores ZZ Top and at the idea that countries around the world needed to go back to the beginning, back to the “ alfa “.

Zetazeroalfa became, in the late 90 s and early 2000 s, an evangelising action for autocracy. Touring all over Italy, the band sang raucous punk-rock carols with words such as” nel dubbio, mena” (” if in doubt, beat up “) or” amo questo mio popolo fiero/ che non conosce pace” (” I desire this proud people/ that doesn’t know peace “). In those early days, Iannone had about 100 hardcore love, who doubled as roadies, crew, security and salesmen. The radical sold as numerous T-shirts as they did Cds, with ways such as Picchia il vip (” beat up the VIP “) and Accademia della sassaiola (” academy of stone-throwing “). The hymn that became a crowd favourite was Cinghiamattanza, meaning” demise by belt “: at all the gigs it became a ritual for fans to take off their belts and leather each other.

In those times, Iannone was more boulder virtuoso than blackshirt. His informal movement was more about music than manifestos. CasaPound’s in-house lawyer, Domenico Di Tullio, was once the bassist and vocalist in a far-right banding called Malabestia,” evil brute “. He was introduced to CasaPound when Iannone was schooling Thai boxing in a gym.” CasaPound has always been ,” Di Tullio said,” halfway between politics and rock’n’roll .” Iannone was a shrewd entrepreneur: he co-founded a right-wing music description called ” Rupe Tarpeia”- the names of the Roman rock from which informers were thrown to their deaths.

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CasaPound chairman Gianluca Iannone. Picture: Alamy

Iannone- who was preoccupied with Chuck Palahniuk’s Fight Club- had been arrested a few times for assault, formerly for beating up an off-duty carabiniere at Predappio, the burial sanctuary of Mussolini, because he was ” drunkard and being stupid “. Revisionist historians and rightwing legislators in the 1990 s to do everything possible to rehabilitate Mussolini: expressing admiration for him was no longer considered heretical, but a mansion of gutsy think. Mussolini’s regime was airbrushed as benign-” he never killed anybody” said Silvio Berlusconi, who grew prime minister for the first time in 1994- and imaged as superior to the corruption and chaos of the avowedly anti-fascist First Republic that lasted from 1948 until 1992. Berlusconi and his far-right friends derided the traditional anti-fascist observances of 25 April, the date of Italians’ freeing from Nazi fascism.

A canny politician, Berlusconi wasn’t specifying this agenda but following it. He knew it was a vote-winner. Constructs all over Italy, but especially in the south, still bear the weakened notes of the word “DUCE”. There are a lot shrines, and even a mountain, that still countenance his name. A country that doesn’t repudiate years past as much as absorb it, Italy was, by the turn of the millennium, more than ready to include Mussolini’s grandchildren in the body politic.

In July 2002 the activists who had accumulated around Gianluca Iannone and ZZA resided their first construct, an deserted institution northward of Rome. Occupations had always been a flesh of declaration by the far left in Italy: numerous hunkers had become” social cores” and were tacitly tolerated by police and politicians. Now the far right was trying the tactic. Iannone called the occupied academy Casa Montag, after the booster of the Ray Bradbury novel Fahrenheit 451, Guy Montag.

It was the first of many occasions in which CasaPound would perplex ideological apprehensions. Most parties read Bradbury’s novel as a critique of an anti-intellectual, totalitarian territory, but for the CasaPounders it represented their own repression by the forces of anti-fascism in Italian politics, who they regarded as symbolic book-burners. Apprehending the hyperbole of the alt-right, CasaPound claimed to be a cavity” where debate is free “.

Within 18 months, though, Iannone’s men had modernized and moved to the very centre of Rome, residing the enormous built in Esquilino. Their propose in 2003 wasn’t political in any parliamentary appreciation: the activists wanted to live inexpensively together, to create a infinite for their ideals and, the majority of members of all, to make a statement.

In the entrance hall of their brand-new dwelling, CasaPounders painted a hundred or so surnames in garish emblazons, suggesting the ideological ancestry of their progress. Numerous were obvious- Mussolini, Oswald Mosley, Nietzsche, the writer and proto-fascist Gabriele D’Annunzio, the Italian totalitarian philosopher Julius Evola- but many more were odd or wishful: Homer, Plato, Dante, Kerouac and even caricature reputations such as Captain Harlock and Corto Maltese. All were men.

The movement never concealed its esteem for Benito Mussolini. Photos and slogans of Il Duce were put up. Every supporter was referred to as a “ camerata “( the totalitarian version of “comrade”) and exchanged the old-fashioned “legionary” handshake, grasping each other’s forearm rather than the side. Above the door on the outside of the building, in beige, faux-marble, “CASAPOVND” appeared.


What made CasaPound unique was its competition of smoke-and-mirrors with a mesmerized Italian media. Both Di Stefano and Iannone were very media-savvy: Di Stefano was a graphic artist, and Iannone, after the military forces, had worked as a director’s deputy on Unomattina, a breakfast evidence on RAI, the commonwealth broadcaster. They promoted CasaPound via escapade called to speak to newspapers, the invasion of TV studios, the frenetic production of signs and stickers, the organisation of debates and the occasional routine of violence.

They likewise began pushing for programmes the left had given up hope of ever listening again, such as the renationalisation of Italy’s banking, communications, health, transport and vitality spheres. They quoth the most progressive particular aspects of Mussolini’s politics, focusing on his” social beliefs” viewing casing, unions, hygiene and a minimum wage. CasaPound accepted that the ethnic the statutes of 1938( which introduced antisemitism and deportation) were “errors”; the movement claimed to be” opposed to any form of discrimination based on ethnic or religious criteria, or on sexual tendency “.

CasaPound’s concentration on housing also appealed to voters of the old-fashioned left. Its insignium was a turtle( live animals that ever has a roof over its foreman) and Ezra Pound’s name was used in part because he had railed, in his poem Canto XLV, against rent( considered usury) and rapacious proprietors. One of the first things CasaPound did in its occupied structure was to hang expanses from the windows to protest hire hikes and ousters- in 2009, there were an average of 25 expulsions in Rome every day. They campaigned for a” social mortgage”, in which rental pays would effectively become mortgage remittances, turning the tenant into a homeowner. Within months, they had given shelter to dozens of homeless households, as well as to many camerati down on their luck.

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A CasaPound procession in Rome in 2016. Photo: Pacific Press/ LightRocket/ Getty

CasaPound presented itself as the members of this house of the ideologically homeless more. Iannone said it offered” a opening of sovereignty, where anyone who has something to say and can’t say it abroad will ever find political asylum “. It accepted a pose of being not the purposes of the debate, but the receptacle of it. It reminded some of Mussolini’s line that” autocracy is the church of all the heresies “.

Iannone was always a defender of war. He knew fascism had always thriven through taking the initiative: he spoke routinely about the proto-fascist arditi (” daring ones “), a force of voluntaries engaging under D’Annunzio, who impounded the cities of Fiume after the first world war in an attempt to resolve a border conflict between Italy and what was then Yugoslavia. Iannone knew that Mussolini had launched his first fascist manifesto from an occupied building in the piazza of San Sepolcro in Milan. But even here, in action, CasaPound was acquiring leftwing robes: mocking the strategy of the Italian Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci, it aimed for what Gramsci had announced ” culture hegemony” by infiltrating the cultural and leisure activities of everyday Italians.

So CasaPound began doing outreach on an unprecedented scale: in 2006 a student flow announced Blocco Studentesco was started. A fascist women’s movement, Tempo di Essere Madri (” time to be a mother “), was founded by Iannone’s wife. A pseudo-environmental group, La Foresta Che Avanza, began in order to introduced” the regime into sort “.( Earlier this month, 200 volunteers from La Foresta gathered to repair the enormous tribute to Mussolini- the word DUX, written with pine trees- on a mountainside in Antrodoco .) The media- whether plotted, uneasy or excited- reported under any initiative: as Di Stefano told me,” everything CasaPound did became report “.

There was spate of ideological contortionism. In 2007, CasaPound started describing itself not as fascist, but as estremo centro alto ( the figure of a ZZA song, which makes” extreme, high core “). It namechecked preposterous affects, such as Che Guevara and the great anarchist singer-songwriters Rino Gaetano and Fabrizio De Andre.

That obfuscation was a continuation of what Italian dictatorship, contrary to stereotype, had often done. Mussolini once said:” We don’t believe in dogmatic programs … we allow ourselves the luxury of being aristocratic and democratic, conservatives and progressives, reactionaries and revolutionaries, laws and illegals “. Mussolini’s totalitarianism often suggested not intense lucidity, but slipperiness.” Mussolini did not have a ideology ,” Umberto Eco once wrote.” He had only rhetoric .”

To political scientists, this innovative, eccentric force-out from the political tips was charming. Between 2006 and 2014, dozens of volumes was issued on the free movement of persons- some by CasaPound’s friends, but others by academic press in Italy and abroad. The latter fussed about the malevolent deductions of Mussolini’s favourite slogan: libro e moschetto- fascista perfetto ( the rhyme boasting that” journal and musket” manufacture the” perfect totalitarian “). How important, beings speculated, was that “musket”? CasaPound sometimes relished its violent reputation, and was sometimes indignation by it. It proudly called its positions and stunts examples of guerrilla tactics, but other days their atmosphere was softer: they were just atti goliardici ,” bohemian acts “.

That paradoxical outlook towards violence was encapsulated in the enormous cherry-red letters coated on a central wall of CasaPound’s HQ: “ Santa Teppa “- Holy Mob. It was the word Mussolini once has described his blackshirts. CasaPound militants say that they’re forever under attempt from leftwing” social centres” and anti-fascists. When you get to know them, though, its own position is slightly different.” We’re not a murderous organisation ,” one activist told me,” but we’re not non-violent either .”


The fierce pushing between Italy’s partisans and totalitarians from 1943 to 1945- sometimes called the country’s civil conflict- resumed sporadically after the end of the second world war. But ever since 1952, when a statute was legislated that criminalised endeavours to resurrect Mussolini’s fascist party, Italian fascists have seen themselves as the main victims, rather than the instigators, on the part of states repression. In actuality, nonetheless, “there werent” Italian equivalent of Germany’s denazification: in all regions of the postwar interval, one far-right registered political party- the Movimento Sociale Italiano( MSI)- kept alive the flare of Mussolini, at its height in 1972 acquiring 9% or 2.7 m referendums. Many progressive splinter group emerged from within the MSI- “the worlds largest” notorious being Pino Rauti’s Ordine Nuovo, which was involved in the bombing of a bank in 1969 that killed 17 civilians.

That atrocity was the beginning of a date known as” the years of lead “: in the 1970 s, far-right and far-left groups opposed, shot, bombarded and kidnapped is not merely each other, but likewise the public and representatives of the state. Both backs applied the rhetoric of the 1940 s, recollecting the heroism or disloyalty of the totalitarians and anti-fascists from three decades earlier.

But amid the savagery of the 1970 s, there were attempts to tap into the “softer” surface of the far-right, with carnivals where music, graphic intend, biography and ecology were discussed. They were called ” Hobbit cliques”, since JRR Tolkien had long been a hero for Italian neo-fascists, who liked to quote Bilbo Baggins’ course that” deep roots don’t freeze “. There was a popular leftwing slur that fascists belonged in the “sewers”, and so a periodical announced La Voce della Fogna (” The Voice of the Sewer “) was launched by unapologetics.

The neo-fascist flow that most forced CasaPound, Terza Posizione, was founded in 1978. It claimed to reject both capitalism and communism, and- like CasaPound- tried to revive Mussolini’s social policies.( Iannone has its representation tattooed on the middle finger of his left hand. His lieutenant, Simone Di Stefano, spent a year in London working with one of the Terza Posizione founders in the 1990 s .)

In the same year, two young militants were shot dead outside the headquarters for the MSI in Acca Larentia in Rome. That evening, when a correspondent supposedly disrespected the main victims by flicking a cigarette butt in a pool of blood, a riot began in which a third young man was killed by a policeman. Other deaths follows from this that initial bloodshed: the papa of one of the young men killed committed suicide. On the first anniversary of Acca Larentia, another militant was assassinated by police.

Acca Larentia seemed proof, to tyrants, because this is sitting duck. Some forsook extremism wholly, but others simply took it further. A far-right terrorist organisation, NAR( the” nucleu of armed revolutionaries “) was founded and took part in variouskillingsand the bombing of Bologna railway station in 1980, in which 85 beings croaked. As a state crackdown on the far-right began, the three founders of Terza Posizione fled abroad and the commanders of NAR were either killed or imprisoned.

For a generation, through the 1980 s and early 1990 s, autocracy seemed finished. But when Silvio Berlusconi burst into politics looking for anti-communist friends, he marked the MSI as his ideal political marriage. The defendant renamed itself the National Alliance, and grew the second-largest ingredient in Berlusconi’s regulating centre-right coalition in 1994. The breeze had changed wholly: many of the radicals on the far-right in the 1970 s- old hands from the MSI- were now in government. In 1999 the three founders of Terza Posizione returned from exile.

That was different contexts in which CasaPound, in the early 2000 s, first began to flourish: it was full of marginalised men who had grown up in the wilderness years of the 80 s and early 90 s. They were convinced that tyrants had been brutalized and killed by” socialist hatred and servants of the state”, as a plaque memorialising the assassinations at Acca Larentia made it.

But in fact, their dough was buttered on both sides: they presented themselves as underdogs, but their ideological parents were now at the extremely top of Italian political strength. They could claim to be the victims of such repressive laws banning the revival of dictatorship, but because those rules were never enforced, they are likely to proselytise with impunity.

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Benito Mussolini in 1927. Photo: Universal History Archive/ UIG via Getty Images

By 2005, CasaPound was toying with electoral politics. One its partisans stood for election in Lazio on the electoral directory of one of Berlusconi’s cabinet ministers, who had been a press officer of the MSI. From 2006 until 2008 CasaPound joined another offshoot of the MSI, the” Tricolour Flame “. Neither confederation developed any tushes in parliament, but both afforded more advertisement and “respectability” to the slow-moving but chose “turtle”.

In 2008, Gianni Alemanno, who had been imprisoned as a far-right radical, became mayor of Rome. He seemed on CasaPound’s occupancies with a definitely lenient eye- and that same time CasaPound occupied another construct: an vacated railway station near the Stadio Olimpico. Called Area 19( 1919 was its first year Mussolini announced the first totalitarian manifesto ), it became a gym by day and nightclub by night.

Meanwhile young CasaPound heavies experienced public substantiates of force. In 2009, Blocco Studentesco- CasaPound’s youth movement- came back Rome’s central square, Piazza Navona, forearmed with truncheons coated with the Italian tricolor. They noted a used only for them on leftwing students. When one Tv curriculum criticised Blocco Studentesco, its offices were “occupied” by CasaPound militants.

On 13 December 2011, Gianluca Casseri, a CasaPound sympathiser in Tuscany, left home with a Magnum 357 in his purse. He was a taciturn loner, 50 years old, rotund with short, gray-haired “hairs-breadth”, but had received a home in CasaPound: he had harboured a opening for his imagination novel- The Keys of Chaos- at the neighbourhood club.

On that December morning, Casseri had a plan to shoot as numerous immigrants as possible. He went to a square in Florence and, at 12.30 pm, killed two Senegalese soldiers, Samb Modou and Diop Mor. He shot another man, Moustapha Dieng, in the back and throat and then got in his blue VW Polo and drove off. Only over two hours later, Casseri was at the city’s center grocery, where he killed two more people, Sougou Mor and Mbenghe Cheike, who survived the attack. He then turned his grease-gun on himself in the market’s underground carpark.

After Casseri’s murders, CasaPound’s leaders were invited on to national television to face the accusation that they were provoking savagery. In a special programme about the killings, the former president of the Rai TV channel accused Iannone of having” ideologically armed” the murderer. Ezra Pound’s daughter, Mary de Rachewiltz, began a legal action( which she eventually lost) to stop CasaPound expending and sullying her father’s reputation.” They misrepresent his ideas”, she said,” they’re violent.[ My father-god] missed an meeting between civilisations .”

It was true that CasaPound’s language and imagery was relentlessly pugnacious. In its Rome bookshop-” Iron Head” – you can buy postings of revolutionaries from far-flung civil struggles with automated artilleries wearing ZZA T-shirts. They speak about “ trincerocrazia “, an “-ocracy” for people who have done their time in the excavations. The shell of their turtle symbol also has a military entail: it represents the testuggine , the carapace of shields used by the Roman army. All of this realise the movement edgies and decidedly testosteronic: 87% of the movement’s Facebook partisans are male and 62% are between 16 and 30.

It’s a shift that is close-fisted, compact and united. When you’re amongst the radicals inside that eggshell, the dislike for the outside is almost cultish. The dissociation between insider and interloper is clear and love is total:” I do whatever Gianluca[ Iannone] tells me to”, one girl partisan has told us. The gesture has published a political and historic lexicon for all novice partisans, so they ever know what to say.

Iannone himself is forcefully charismatic and physically prescribing- towering, tattooed and gravel-voiced- and perhaps even assumes a slight similarity to Mussolini. It’s easy to see why lost minors are likely to be frantic to delight( and scared to rile) him.” He’s a very pure leader”, Di Stefano told me, with obvious admiration, as we took a step with his two chihuahuas- announced ” Punk” and “Rock”.


By 2013, aggressive leadership was what a lot of Italians were longing for. The country was facing an unprecedented crisis of confidence. In 2010 youth unemployment was at almost 30%, and would rise to over 40% by 2015. That time, Italy’s national statistics office suggested that nearly 5 million Italians were living in “absolute poverty”. The humiliation in certain suburbs- the lack of rubbish collects was just the most visible illustration- were of the view that the Italian territory was, in places, almost entirely absent. The success of the populist Five Star Movement– coming from nowhere to acquire 25.55% of the vote in the 2013 referendums– depicted the Italian electorate would respond to “states parties ” that was angry and anti-establishment.( The fathers of two of the leading lights of the Five Star Movement, Luigi Di Maio and Alessandro Di Battista, were both in the MSI .)

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Inside the CasaPound headquarters in Rome. Image: Antonio Masiello/ Getty Images

By then CasaPound was becoming known well beyond Italy. The promote in its Rome HQ was covered by stickers with the emblem of far-right pilgrims from across the globe. CasaPound had always voraciously ingested foreign the progress and repackaged them for an Italian gathering: it had absorbed the anticapitalist the concepts of France’s Nouvelle Droite (” brand-new right “) flow, and improved affections with members of Greece’s neo-Nazi Golden Dawn. Now French guests started talking about a 2012 notebook by Renaud Camus called The Great Replacement: it spoke of the notion that native Europeans would soon be completely sidelined and deleted and replaced by waves of immigrants. It was a thought that had caught on in the US. This was root causes of the “identitarian” precept, which claimed that globalisation had created a homogeneous culture with no distinct national or culture identities. True-blue pluralism- “ethnopluralism”- would necessitate racial separation.

These hypothesis famously influenced both Steve Bannon at Breitbart and the American white supremacist governor Richard Spencer- but they too seeped into the thinking of CasaPound’s cultural attache, Adriano Scianca. Scianca, who live in Umbria, is the writer of CasaPound’s magazine, Primato Nazionale( which has a dissemination, they say, of 25,000 ). In 2016 he produced a volume announced The Sacred Identity:” The cancellation of a people from the surface of the earth ,” he wrote,” is factually the number one[ purport] in the diary of all the world oligarchs .” It resounds silly, but these ideas soon manufactured their mode into mainstream newspapers- and very quickly ethnic estrangement grew official CasaPound policy.

Throughout 2014 and 2015, CasaPound chairmen organised rallyings against asylum cores that were due to open. They modelled a progress, with Matteo Salvini’s Northern League( a formerly separatist move which was, by then, purely nationalist) announced Sovereignty:” Italians First” was the slogan. All over Italy- from Gorizia to Milan, from Vicenza to Genoa- each time a abandoned structure was converted into an asylum core, CasaPound members would make friends among the locals opposing service centres, circulating meat packets, clearing litter, and offering strategies and strong-arms.( CasaPound argued that because a proportion of immigrants had arrived illegally, their resist was about legality rather than hasten .)

Simone Di Stefano is CasaPound’s political leader and its most prominent campaigner in next week’s elections. With his nifty, salt-and-pepper hair and trim beard, he looks like any other moderate legislator. But his question is now the opposite of his rhetoric: it’s not that the Italian foundation omits the far-right from politics, but that there are now so many far right defendants, CasaPound seems simply one among many. Di Stefano is, therefore, discriminating himself by campaigning to leave the European Union and suggesting members of the military intervention in Libya to halt the flow of migrants:” We have to resolve the problem of Africa ,” he told me.

These meanings are not likely to appeal to numerous Italian voters- but CasaPound’s job is already done. It has been essential to the normalisation of fascism. At the end of 2017, Il Tempo newspaper announced Benito Mussolini as its” party of its first year “. It wasn’t being facetious: Il Duce barged into the bulletin schedule every week last year. A few weeks ago, even a leftwing legislator in Florence said that” nobody in this country has done more than Mussolini “. Today, 73 times after his death, he is more admired than traditional Italian heroes such as Giuseppes Garibaldi and Mazzini.

CasaPound has also been a participant in an escalating political conflict in which violence- both verbal and physical- had now become platitude. When you speak to CasaPound militants, they’re speedy to say they only devote violence in self-defence, but their explanation of self-defence is terribly elastic. Luca Marsella, a top colonel in the free movement of persons, once said to 14 -year-old schoolchildren “whos” protesting against a brand-new CasaPound centre:” I’ll cut your throats like hounds, I’ll kill all of you .” Another activist was imprisoned of beating up leftwing activists in Rome in 2011 when they were putting up posters. Another activist, Giovanni Battista Ceniti, was involved in a assassinate, though- as Iannone pointed out- he had already been removed from CasaPound for” intellectual laziness “. In February last year, in Viterbo, two militants, Jacopo Polidori and Michele Santini, beat up a person who had dared to post an sarcastic mention about CasaPound on Facebook. A leftwing website has compiled an interactive map of episodes of reported totalitarian violence across the headland- and there are so many incidents that you can scarcely ascertain the boot of Italy.

Then, earlier this month, a boy who had previously stood for election with the far-right Northern League, and had ties to CasaPound, went on a two-hour hitting frenzy in the cities of Macerata. Luca Traini burnt his Glock pistol at anyone who knows black skin. What was stunning wasn’t just the bloodshed( he disabled six people, but all subsisted ), but that it all seemed unsurprising in the current climate. Traini’s inspiration was old-fashioned autocracy: he had the “Wolfsangel” rune( used by both Nazis and Italy’s Terza Posizione) on his forehead. He presented a Roman salute at the shrine to Italy’s war dead.

But in the aftermath of his shooting, mainstream legislators on the so-called centre-right accused immigration , not Traini. Berlusconi, who has hugged the extreme right as he attempts to architect another poll prevail, spoke of a” social projectile “~ ATAGEND created by natives. Italy, he said, needs to extradite 600,000 illegal immigrants.


On Sunday 7 January this year, CasaPound organised a mass rallying in Rome to label the 40 th anniversary of the Acca Larentia killings. Four or five thousand people turned up, many wearing similar invests: grinder casings and pitch-black beanies, armed weariness or drainpipe jeans. There were 50 soldiers in crimson CasaPound bibs, security rights detail, shepherding the troops. Not everyone was a CasaPound militant, but the other groups all has declined in behind Gianluca Iannone and Simone di Stefano. This, it was clear, was their show.

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